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Below results based on the criteria 'spatial autocorrelation'
Total number of records returned: 2
Spatial Econometrics and Political Science
Many theories in political science predict the spatial clustering of similar behaviors among neighboring units of observation. This spatial autocorrelation poses implications for both inference and modeling that are distinct from the more familiar serial dependence in time series analysis. In this paper, I examine how political scientists can diagnose and model the spatial dependence that our theories predict. This diagnosis and modeling entails three simple sequential steps. First, univariate spatial autocorrelation is diagnosed via global and local measures of spatial autocorrelation. Next, diagnostics are applied to a model with covariates to determine whether any spatial dependence diagnosed in the first step persists after the behavior has been modeled. If it does, the researcher simply chooses the spatial econometric specification indicated by the diagnostics. I present Monte Carlo results that demonstrate the importance of diagnosing and modeling spatial dependence in our data. I conclude by discussing how researchers can easily apply spatial econometric models in their research.
Tobler's Law, Urbanization, and Electoral Bias: Why Compact, Contiguous Districts are Bad for the Democrats
When one of the major parties in the United States wins a substantially larger share of the seats than its vote share would seem to warrant, the conventional explanation lies in manipulation of maps by the party that controls the redistricting process. Yet this paper uses a unique data set from Florida to demonstrate a common mechanism through which substantial partisan bias can emerge purely from residential patterns. When partisan preferences are spatially dependent and partisanship is highly correlated with population density, any districting scheme that generates relatively compact, contiguous districts will tend to produce bias against the urban party. In order to demonstrate this empirically, we apply automated districting algorithms driven solely by compactness and contiguity parameters, building winner-take-all districts out of the precinct-level results of the tied Florida presidential election of 2000. The simulation results demonstrate that with 50 percent of the votes statewide, the Republicans can expect to win around 59 percent of the seats without any "intentional" gerrymandering. This occurs because urban districts tend to be homogeneous and Democratic while suburban and rural districts tend to be moderately Republican. Thus in Florida and other states where Democrats are highly concentrated in cities, the seemingly apolitical practice of requiring compact, contiguous districts will produce systematic pro-Republican electoral bias.