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Below results based on the criteria 'gender'
Total number of records returned: 7
Verifying Evidence of "Congressional Enactments of Race-Gender"
Grant, J. Tobin
I report the results of a verification of Hawkesworth's 2003 "Congressional Enactments of Race-Gender" (CERG). This is a landmark analysis of race and gender in the U.S. Congress that is noteworthy for both its theory and its empirical evidence. A deeper look at the evidence and the context raises fundamental questions about the empirical validity of CERG's theory of race-gender in Congress. I conclude that racing-gendering in Congress is more nuanced than originally presented in CERG, and that further research is necessary to demonstrate empirically CERG's theory of Congress as a raced-gendered institution. This verification has important methodology implications, as it demonstrates why verification of empirical research -- including interpretive research -- should be a widely-practiced methodology within political science.
Is There a Gender Gap in Fiscal Political Preferences
Alvarez, R. Michael
McCaffery, Edward J.
This paper examines the relationship between attitudes on potential uses of the budget surplus and gender. Survey results show relatively weak support overall for using a projected surplus to reduce taxes, with respondents much likelier to prefer increased social spending on education or social security. There is a significant gender gap with men being far more likely than women to support tax cuts or paying down the national debt. Given a menu of particular types of tax cuts, women are marginally more likely to favor child-care relief or working poor tax credits whereas men are marginally more likely to favor capital gains reduction or tax rate cuts. When primed that the tax laws are biased against two-worker families, men significantly change their preferences, moving from support for general tax rate cuts to support for working poor tax relief, but not to child-care relief. One of the strongest results to emerge is that women are far more likely than men not to express an opinion or to confess ignorance about fiscal matters. Both genders increase their ``no opinion'' answer in the face of priming, but men more so than women. Further research will explore this no opinion/uncertainty aspect.
Gender and Tax
Alvarez, R. Michael
McCaffery, Edward J.
This paper addresses two empirical questions in the literature on taxation and law. The first is whether women support redistributive tax policies more than men do. The second is why there exists a strong bias in the current tax code against modern, two-earner families, a bias which is usually understood as falling primarily on women. Our analysis of data from the 1996 presidential election suggests a single answer to both questions. Women and men often answer direct survey questions about their attitudes towards matters of tax similarly, while continuing to show a marked gender gap in their actual voting behavior when tax is one of several issues to be considered.
Explaining the Gender Gap in the 1992 U.S. Presidential Election
Alvarez, R. Michael
This paper compares the voting behavior of women and men in the 1992 presidential election. We show that consistent with behavior in previous elections, women placed more emphasis on the national economy than men, and men placed more emphasis on pocketbook voting than women. We also show that while the difference between men and women's preferences and emphasis on no single issue explains the significant gender-gap in vote-choice; a combination of issues examining respondents views on the economy, social programs, military action, abortion, and ideology, can explain almost three-fourths of the gender-gap.
Explaining the Gender Gap in U.S. Presidential Elections, 1980-1992
Alvarez, R. Michael
general-extreme value model
This paper compares the voting behavior of women and men in presidential elections since 1980 to test competing explanations for the gender gap. We show that, consistent with prior research on individual elections, women placed more emphasis on the national economy than men, and men placed more emphasis on pocketbook voting than women. We add evidence showing that women have consistently more negative assessments of the economy than do men, suggesting that a part of what has been considered a Republican-Democratic gender gap is really an anti-incumbent bias on the part of women. Our multivariate analysis demonstrates that neither the differences between men and women's preferences nor emphasis on any single issue explains the significant gender gap in vote choice; but that a combination of respondent views on the economy, social programs, military action, abortion, and ideology can consistently explain at least three-fourths of the gender gap in the 1984, 1988, and 1992 elections. We also clarify the interpretation of partisan identification in explaining the gender gap.
Macroideology, Macropartisanship, and the Gender Gap
Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M.
De Boef, Suzanna
Ever since the late 1970s, women have been significantly more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than man. Explanations of the phenomenon usually link the rise of the gender gap to the political swing to conservatism and its attacks on the welfare state. We propose to study this linkage by way of examining time series data aggregated from CBS News/New York Times National Surveys. Specifically, we propose to test two alternative perspectives that predict such a linkage: that women are more compassionate than men and that women are more welfare-dependent than men. On the basis of these perspectives, we develop hypotheses concerning the causality between the gender gap in macropartisanship and conservative macroideology. We apply Granger causality tests after fitting the appropriate AutoRegressive Fractionally Integrated Moving Average (ARFIMA) models to the relevant time series. Our findings confirm that the aggregate partisan gender gap since the late 1970s has been a direct response to the dynamics of conservative macroideology. While feminine compassion may be a universal factor, the evidence for its influence behind the gender gap is most prevalent among partisans who are less welfare-dependent. Among welfare-dependent partisans, our evidence suggests that self- interested behavior is more apparent.
Effects of Interviewer Gender and Hijab on Gender-Related Survey Responses: Findings from a Nationally-Representative Field Experiment in Morocco
Gender of Interviewer Effects
Interviewer Religious Dress
Despite the recent expansion of surveying in the Muslim world, few published studies have addressed methodological questions, including how observable interviewer characteristics affect responses and data quality. Although there are a limited number of studies on interviewer dress effects, none examine interviewer gender. This study asks whether and why gender and religious dress affect responses to gender-related questions. Drawing upon original data from a nationally-representative, partially-randomized survey of 800 Moroccans conducted in 2007, the study finds strong evidence that gender and dress affect responses and item non-response. The paper argues that because hijab implies multiple personal, religious, and political dimensions of identity nested within gender identity, interviewer gender and dress must be considered as intersecting categories. For questions pertaining to women’s role in the public sphere, responses were affected by interviewer dress; respondents reported more progressive attitudes and were more likely to refuse to respond to female interviewers not wearing hijab than to veiled female interviewers and male interviewers. For support for gender equality in family law, results were affected by interviewer gender; respondents reported more liberal views and were more likely to fail to respond to female interviewers with both dress styles than male interviewers. Interviewer characteristics affected responses to more than half of the 174 questions included in the survey, including support for democracy and religiosity. Researchers conducting surveys should code and control for interviewer characteristics in order to reduce total survey error and better understand the social processes which generate public opinion in this crucial region.